Gujarat Lok Sabha Elections 2024: BJP’s Caste Chess: How the party maneuvered Kshatriya dissent in Gujarat

Caste dynamics often play a pivotal role in India’s political landscape, influencing electoral strategies and alliances. Rajya Sabha member Parshottam Rupala, who also serves as the Minister of State for Fisheries, Animal Husbandry, and Dairying, recently found himself at the center of a caste-related controversy. His comments on Kshatriyas sparked concerns, particularly among Rajputs, but the situation has not escalated significantly so far.

Post-Godhra Gujarat witnessed a shift where castes united to form a broader religious umbrella. During Narendra Modi’s tenure as Chief Minister, caste fault lines were relatively subdued. However, after Modi’s move to Delhi, communities began to reorganize to maximize their political influence. This reorganization led to movements such as the Patel quota agitations, Dalit protests, and demonstrations of Thakor strength in 2016-17.

The Patel community, a staunch supporter of the BJP since the 1980s, played a crucial role in the party’s success in Gujarat. The rise of the BJP in the state was partly in response to the KHAM (Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis, and Muslims) social-engineering formula proposed by former Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki.

Despite Rupala’s controversial comments, the BJP has stood by him, even fielding him as a candidate in the Lok Sabha elections. Kshatriyas, particularly Rajputs in Saurashtra, demanded the revocation of his candidature from the Rajkot constituency. However, protesters clarified that their demand was not against the party or Modi.

Rupala’s apology and the party’s appeals for forgiveness did not sway the protesters. Despite his return to campaigning, the BJP remained steadfast in its support for him, highlighting the importance of non-Kshatriya votes in its electoral strategy.Kshatriyas in Gujarat, especially Rajputs, adhere strictly to a hierarchical structure. While some within the community acknowledge economic and social inequalities, others do not. This disparity was evident in the limited support the protesters received from other Kshatriya castes like the Thakors and Kolis, who together form the largest electoral group in Gujarat.Efforts to unify all Kshatriya sub-castes under one umbrella have not been successful. The protests are unlikely to significantly impact BJP’s electoral prospects, unlike the Patidar protests in 2017, which dented the party’s performance in the state assembly elections.BJP’s support for Rupala has also helped consolidate Patidar votes, particularly in rural areas where competition between Kshatriyas and Patels is intense. The protests have inadvertently united the Leuva and Kadva Patidar segments, benefiting Rupala, a Kadva Patidar.

Sociologist Ghanshyam Shah believes that the protesters lack the resources to mobilize support on the scale seen during the Patidar quota stir in 2015. BJP has also encouraged erstwhile ‘royals’ among the Kshatriyas to appeal to the protesters, aiming to exploit internal divisions within the community.

BJP’s unwavering support for Rupala, despite the protests, underscores its strategic focus on consolidating non-Kshatriya votes in Gujarat. The party’s ability to navigate caste dynamics and leverage them to its advantage remains a key factor in its electoral calculations.

(With inputs from TOI)